Monday, October 26, 2015
Sunday, October 25, 2015
We Don't Need Another Hero?
"The pages of history are full of heroes who created for themselves roles of glorious valor which they played at decisive moments. Likewise the pages of history are also full of heroic roles which never found heroes to perform them. For some reason it seems to me that within the Arab circle there is a role, wandering aimlessly in search of a hero."- Egyptian President Nasser, 1970's
A few years ago a friend and I started working on a clothing brand we called Wholegan aka Who Will Lead the People Again.
My man Zee-Lion had been strongly inspired by the music of Bob Marley and the sounds we would listen to included Burning Spear among others. Marley's chant in his song "Exodus": - HERE COMES ANOTHER BROTHER MOSES ACROSS THE SEA ...had a strong effect on black young men who were born in apartheid era townships where there had been few opportunities for well-being, for progress, for redemption from the traps of colonialism and capitalism.
And Burning Spear's "Follow Marcus Garvey" was just one of those songs that caused us to reflect on what we could possible do for ourselves without succumbing to materialistic over consumption. How could we work as black business men without being 'corrupted'by lures of greed and consumerism which we could see was ravaging some of the consciences of our former leaders.
Essentially we felt leaderless, socially and politically. It appeared as if all our leaders with any backbone were either dead or operating as managers of anti-black institutions which were not transforming our lives in any significant way ...
This morning I was listening to a radio dj interviewing some independent political analyst, the topic was the aftermath of the #FeesMustFall student protests currently gripping occupied Azania aka RSA. Their shocking conclusion was that these protests are being rendered irrelevant due to the "fact"that most of the students being produced by these untransformed universities come from Middle Class backgrounds and they will not change the world anyway because they don't even vote. The point was that these students do not have a strong ideological foundation where upon to base and sustain their struggles ...
TBC
Monday, October 5, 2015
An Ideal World: On Social Movements and the Efficacy of Protests Without Ideology
Recently intrigued by a paper written by a fellow black comrade, China Ngubane in a journal called Politikon: South African Journal of Political Studies www.tandfonline.com/loi/cpsa20, titled Occupying Umlazi; Hesitant Steps Towards Political Ideology in a Durban Township; I have been moved to thinking how some Black Radical comrades have already debunked the efficacy of social movement, especially those ideologically 'led' and misled by white liberals.
Here is the link to the article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2014.975930 ...
A recent article written by fellow activist Bandile Mdlalose, also a colleague of comrade China did a lot to deal with this perpetual problem of white do gooders who do their utmost to either police the black voice or to steer our common struggles towards certain ideological or policy directions. Usually it is towards a policy of non-racialism as opposed to anti-racism; towards a cosmetic transformation of social conditions rather than total destruction of the very system that they thrive on. The do gooders tend to steer the landless and oppressed ones towards whatever dominant ideology that they find lucrative, especially in lieu with their academic interests.
I don't remember who said the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, the class that is the ruling material force of society ( read White society in the context of RSA), is at the same time its ruling intellectual force.
So Comrade China's paper made me really anxious to find out exactly which Ideology he was referring to. But even though his paper is a good or accurate portrayal of what transpired when a community rose up against authority, I was still left wondering just what kind of political ideology the author had in mind.
But my focus is not really the matter of white liberals determining the trajectory of black struggles per se, what concerns me most is the shortcomings of black activists and leaders of movements to convince the masses of oppressed and landless people to make that final push to really effective revolution, by any means necessary.
Yes, I am part of those movements too, I have been part of the September National Imbizo since the year 2011, and i have agitated within Economic Freedom Fighters and now I have committed myself to the Black First Land First movement.
Yet each time I am confronted with the "lived experiences" of the my people, the 'wretched of the Earth', it becomes increasingly difficult to keep asking them to THINK. Think and break the mental chains so that we can all take that great leap towards liberation and achieve Biko's vision of a True Humanity.
To convince the hungry and unemployed and vulnerable to think beyond their service delivery concerns, their joblessness and the state of crime, and work collectively to banish the forces that perpetuate their desperate conditions is no easy task. It may be easy for one to sit at the computer typing up 'social commentary', writing to the newspapers, and urging thousands of listeners on radio to revive Steve Biko's Black Consciousness, to think and act on Robert Sobukwe's pan-Afrikan ideals and to bravely rage against imperialism in the indomitable spirit of Thomas Sankara.
But striving to do these things in a society which is constructed on apartheid divisions, class hierarchies and white monopoly capitalism makes it ever more difficult. But as I said to the people of Illovu this weekend, "Change may be very difficult, but it is not impossible, especially once you have had enough of abuse."
Let us now turn to ideology before we take a closer look at comrade China's well researched paper which still somehow fails to display the authors ideological standpoint. Perhaps he did this on purpose, as am activist who refuses to pick a side in the name of intellectual objectivity, I may not know his motivation, but I will soon find out.
In his monumental work of selected essays,African Sociology,Towards A Critical African Sociology: Selected Works, Bernard Makhosezwe Magubane has a chapter titled Ideological And Theoretical Problems In The Study Of Modernization In Africa. In this chapter Magubane intricately gives an proper perspective of how various political and economic theories and ideologies have altered the destinies of African people through-out the 20th and 21st century.
It is not difficult to tell that Magubane writes from a Socialist and Marxist ideological foundation, even though he does not shy away from sharp yet well apportioned criticism of the limits of cut-and paste socialism in Africa and the rest of the "third world". He quotes C/L.R. James in the beginning of this chapter: "The cruelties of property and privilege are always more ferocious than the revenges of poverty and oppression." ( From the Black Jacobins)
Such are the pearls of Black intellectual wisdom I often wish to drop (in my Mother tongue) whenever I am called to speak on Community and National radio stations, but, we are often subjected to mundane questions and time constraints.
Magubane adds this:
"To break the neo-colonial noose, Nkrumah was forced to adopt a socialist strategy, "capitalism had already had its turn in Africa, for 50 years, 100 years or more, and Africa [ was still ] underdeveloped. In other words, capitalism, as far as development [was] concerned, [was] seen as having failed." (p.205). It goes without saying that for leaders like Nkrumah, Nyerere, Sekou Toure and others, the choice of a socialist road of economics is dictated by historical necessity. Their policies confirm Fanon's (1967:78) observation that:
The concrete problem we find ourselves up against is not that of a choice, cost what it may, between socialism and capitalism as they have been defined by men of other continents and other ages. Of course we know that the capitalist regime ... cannot leave us free to perform our work at home, nor our duty in the world. Capitalist exploitation and cartels and monopolies are the enemies of underdeveloped countries. On the other hand the choice of a socialist regime, a regime which is completely oriented towards the people as a whole and based on the principle that man is the most precious of all possessions, will allow us to go forward more quickly and more harmoniously, and thus make impossible that caricature of society where all economic and political power is held in the hands of a few who regard the nation as a whole with scorn and contempt."
Reading this makes me think that Comrade China Ngubane and many other activists was mainly highlighting a specific node of hopeful community solidarity. The matter of whether the occupation of a Councillors office was effective or whether their demands were met is neither here nor there, especially when one considers the fact that the whole country is under the control of a government that is both gullible and contemptuous.
I say gullible because it is really difficult to ascertain exactly what ideological foundation the African National Congress acts from. Even though its Freedom Charter is said to have been penned by Communists who had 'consulted with the oppressed people". The truth remains that this vainglorious organisation has thrived on the 'willful ignorance' of the masses.
Comrade China notes that "Ward 88's Community Crisis Committee included members from the ruling ANC, as well as from the main opposition political parties such as the DA, IFP and NFP. Those not politically affiliated included activists from faith-based organisations. ...they agreed to actively participate in this process to resist authority, even to the extent of using civil disobedience, in the face of the states willingness to use violence. Ideological development occurred during this period, as some ANC members threatened to withdraw their membership and the majority withdrew their allegiance to authority."
This is very interesting and it makes so much sense why the populist commander of the Economic Freedom Charter strove so hard to garner a following in this large township of Umlazi, surely he was aware of this gap or opportunity to win over disgruntled voters. Due to the EFF's own lack of ideological clarity and genuine concern for the fate of the black oppressed, the problems plaguing all townships still continue and there is no political education programs currently in place to equip the people with the right tools to build themselves out of the mire of liberalism and exploitation by black askaris or petit bourgeoisie.
One shining example of sound ideological clarity in this article comes via Black Conscious and socialist activist Bheki Buthelezi, who is quoted as saying: "We are doing this as residents, not political parties. There are four political parties in the ward - the ANC, Black Consciousness Party, National Freedom Party and Inkatha Freedom Party - and we have all come together to raise issues of unemployment, housing, the landless and informal settlements.
Let me close with a quotation that appears at the beginning of this paper: " The ideological deficiency, not to say the total lack of ideology, within the national liberation movements - which is basically due to ignorance of the historical reality which these movements claim to transform - constitutes one of the greatest weaknesses of our struggle against imperialism, of not the greatest weakness of all."
Yet somehow I am still compelled to re-investigate Fanon's statement that as Africans we find ourselves warming up theories and ideologies that emanate from another era and from another continent, yet he also adds in a sort of admission that as black people we are in a Catch 22 situation where we ought to choose the best of two evils. The other evil seems like a wolf in sheep's clothing, but what choice do we have? Choose we must.
But the wisened professor Magubane cautions: "The socialist solution is a historic necessity; necessitated as much by the historic facts that underdevelopment in the former colonies begins with the intervention of the colonial factor as by the advances made by socialist countries and those former colonies that chose a socialist path. The transformation of countries along socialist lines has been prompted not by subjective decisions of isolated personalities, but by historical necessity." (p.143, Ideological and Theoretical Problems In the Study of Modernization I Africa.
Here is the link to the article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2014.975930 ...
A recent article written by fellow activist Bandile Mdlalose, also a colleague of comrade China did a lot to deal with this perpetual problem of white do gooders who do their utmost to either police the black voice or to steer our common struggles towards certain ideological or policy directions. Usually it is towards a policy of non-racialism as opposed to anti-racism; towards a cosmetic transformation of social conditions rather than total destruction of the very system that they thrive on. The do gooders tend to steer the landless and oppressed ones towards whatever dominant ideology that they find lucrative, especially in lieu with their academic interests.
I don't remember who said the ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, the class that is the ruling material force of society ( read White society in the context of RSA), is at the same time its ruling intellectual force.
So Comrade China's paper made me really anxious to find out exactly which Ideology he was referring to. But even though his paper is a good or accurate portrayal of what transpired when a community rose up against authority, I was still left wondering just what kind of political ideology the author had in mind.
But my focus is not really the matter of white liberals determining the trajectory of black struggles per se, what concerns me most is the shortcomings of black activists and leaders of movements to convince the masses of oppressed and landless people to make that final push to really effective revolution, by any means necessary.
Yes, I am part of those movements too, I have been part of the September National Imbizo since the year 2011, and i have agitated within Economic Freedom Fighters and now I have committed myself to the Black First Land First movement.
Yet each time I am confronted with the "lived experiences" of the my people, the 'wretched of the Earth', it becomes increasingly difficult to keep asking them to THINK. Think and break the mental chains so that we can all take that great leap towards liberation and achieve Biko's vision of a True Humanity.
To convince the hungry and unemployed and vulnerable to think beyond their service delivery concerns, their joblessness and the state of crime, and work collectively to banish the forces that perpetuate their desperate conditions is no easy task. It may be easy for one to sit at the computer typing up 'social commentary', writing to the newspapers, and urging thousands of listeners on radio to revive Steve Biko's Black Consciousness, to think and act on Robert Sobukwe's pan-Afrikan ideals and to bravely rage against imperialism in the indomitable spirit of Thomas Sankara.
But striving to do these things in a society which is constructed on apartheid divisions, class hierarchies and white monopoly capitalism makes it ever more difficult. But as I said to the people of Illovu this weekend, "Change may be very difficult, but it is not impossible, especially once you have had enough of abuse."
Let us now turn to ideology before we take a closer look at comrade China's well researched paper which still somehow fails to display the authors ideological standpoint. Perhaps he did this on purpose, as am activist who refuses to pick a side in the name of intellectual objectivity, I may not know his motivation, but I will soon find out.
In his monumental work of selected essays,African Sociology,Towards A Critical African Sociology: Selected Works, Bernard Makhosezwe Magubane has a chapter titled Ideological And Theoretical Problems In The Study Of Modernization In Africa. In this chapter Magubane intricately gives an proper perspective of how various political and economic theories and ideologies have altered the destinies of African people through-out the 20th and 21st century.
It is not difficult to tell that Magubane writes from a Socialist and Marxist ideological foundation, even though he does not shy away from sharp yet well apportioned criticism of the limits of cut-and paste socialism in Africa and the rest of the "third world". He quotes C/L.R. James in the beginning of this chapter: "The cruelties of property and privilege are always more ferocious than the revenges of poverty and oppression." ( From the Black Jacobins)
Such are the pearls of Black intellectual wisdom I often wish to drop (in my Mother tongue) whenever I am called to speak on Community and National radio stations, but, we are often subjected to mundane questions and time constraints.
Magubane adds this:
"To break the neo-colonial noose, Nkrumah was forced to adopt a socialist strategy, "capitalism had already had its turn in Africa, for 50 years, 100 years or more, and Africa [ was still ] underdeveloped. In other words, capitalism, as far as development [was] concerned, [was] seen as having failed." (p.205). It goes without saying that for leaders like Nkrumah, Nyerere, Sekou Toure and others, the choice of a socialist road of economics is dictated by historical necessity. Their policies confirm Fanon's (1967:78) observation that:
The concrete problem we find ourselves up against is not that of a choice, cost what it may, between socialism and capitalism as they have been defined by men of other continents and other ages. Of course we know that the capitalist regime ... cannot leave us free to perform our work at home, nor our duty in the world. Capitalist exploitation and cartels and monopolies are the enemies of underdeveloped countries. On the other hand the choice of a socialist regime, a regime which is completely oriented towards the people as a whole and based on the principle that man is the most precious of all possessions, will allow us to go forward more quickly and more harmoniously, and thus make impossible that caricature of society where all economic and political power is held in the hands of a few who regard the nation as a whole with scorn and contempt."
Reading this makes me think that Comrade China Ngubane and many other activists was mainly highlighting a specific node of hopeful community solidarity. The matter of whether the occupation of a Councillors office was effective or whether their demands were met is neither here nor there, especially when one considers the fact that the whole country is under the control of a government that is both gullible and contemptuous.
I say gullible because it is really difficult to ascertain exactly what ideological foundation the African National Congress acts from. Even though its Freedom Charter is said to have been penned by Communists who had 'consulted with the oppressed people". The truth remains that this vainglorious organisation has thrived on the 'willful ignorance' of the masses.
Comrade China notes that "Ward 88's Community Crisis Committee included members from the ruling ANC, as well as from the main opposition political parties such as the DA, IFP and NFP. Those not politically affiliated included activists from faith-based organisations. ...they agreed to actively participate in this process to resist authority, even to the extent of using civil disobedience, in the face of the states willingness to use violence. Ideological development occurred during this period, as some ANC members threatened to withdraw their membership and the majority withdrew their allegiance to authority."
This is very interesting and it makes so much sense why the populist commander of the Economic Freedom Charter strove so hard to garner a following in this large township of Umlazi, surely he was aware of this gap or opportunity to win over disgruntled voters. Due to the EFF's own lack of ideological clarity and genuine concern for the fate of the black oppressed, the problems plaguing all townships still continue and there is no political education programs currently in place to equip the people with the right tools to build themselves out of the mire of liberalism and exploitation by black askaris or petit bourgeoisie.
One shining example of sound ideological clarity in this article comes via Black Conscious and socialist activist Bheki Buthelezi, who is quoted as saying: "We are doing this as residents, not political parties. There are four political parties in the ward - the ANC, Black Consciousness Party, National Freedom Party and Inkatha Freedom Party - and we have all come together to raise issues of unemployment, housing, the landless and informal settlements.
Let me close with a quotation that appears at the beginning of this paper: " The ideological deficiency, not to say the total lack of ideology, within the national liberation movements - which is basically due to ignorance of the historical reality which these movements claim to transform - constitutes one of the greatest weaknesses of our struggle against imperialism, of not the greatest weakness of all."
Yet somehow I am still compelled to re-investigate Fanon's statement that as Africans we find ourselves warming up theories and ideologies that emanate from another era and from another continent, yet he also adds in a sort of admission that as black people we are in a Catch 22 situation where we ought to choose the best of two evils. The other evil seems like a wolf in sheep's clothing, but what choice do we have? Choose we must.
But the wisened professor Magubane cautions: "The socialist solution is a historic necessity; necessitated as much by the historic facts that underdevelopment in the former colonies begins with the intervention of the colonial factor as by the advances made by socialist countries and those former colonies that chose a socialist path. The transformation of countries along socialist lines has been prompted not by subjective decisions of isolated personalities, but by historical necessity." (p.143, Ideological and Theoretical Problems In the Study of Modernization I Africa.
Sunday, September 13, 2015
Saturday, August 29, 2015
A Radical Profeminist: Three Waves--Each One White-capped: A Racist Histo...
A Radical Profeminist: Three Waves--Each One White-capped: A Racist Histo...: [image is from here ] Let's face it: in the U.S., the white woman on the left is better known than the Black woman on the right. This r...
Friday, August 28, 2015
By Spiritual Means Necessary
The Kemetic Tree of Life represents a pattern of spiritual cultivation which enables one to envision and manifest the different faculties of the indwelling divinity and become a vehicle to allow God’s manifestation on earth.
0- Amen- This is not a faculty it is THE undifferentiated peace that is our true self. This is why it is not on the tree of life but far above it. Every religion in the world after their prayer incantates in some form the name of Amen. Who is the God of gods. We must eventually reconnect with Amen by using the Tree of Life to cultivate our spirit, through existence and lifetimes of unrelenting pursuit.
1- The 1st faculty on the Tree of Life represents Ausar, or the omnipresent faculty. This faculty represents the oneness of the universe. The basic particle from which everything is existence originates. It enables us not to separate anything from ourselves and to experience the true self. The one self. Ausar is the first tool that amen uses to govern existence. Represented by Imhotep, Christ, Buddha and other scribes.
2- The 2nd faculty on the Tree of life represents Tehuti, or the omniscient faculty. This faculty is the all-knowing faculty that has a series of 9 axioms. The Tehuti faculty enables us to manifest the indwelling divinity and to be able to resolve any problem. It is knowledge without thought tapping into the intuition or indwelling divinity. Unlike Sebek that is based on belief Tehuti is based on truth It is the second tool that Amen uses to govern existence.
3- The 3rd faculty on the Tree of Life represents Seker, or the omnipotent faculty of the spirit. Seker is above Het-Heru because Seker enables one to be the divine by understanding that beauty lies within and being in synch with our destiny. This omnipotence is the 3rd tool that Amen uses to govern existence.
4- The 4th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Ma’at, or the divine law. This law is represented by 42 principles [of Ma’at]. Ma’at is a female faculty that represents the stage in which we no longer require guilt and conscience because we observe the law of heaven out of love and therefore the Ab(heart) is lighter than the feather and the Khu (spirit) is eternal.
5- The 5th Faculty on the Tree of Life represents HeruKhuti, or divine justice. This faculty establishes justice in the world, not by revenge or destruction, but instead by re-establishing the laws governing existence (MA’AT). Divine justice within our being consists of making peace, balance and harmony get achieved and restoring all to god’s order.
6- The 6th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Heru, or the will. This faculty is birthed by Auset and is beyond any animal desire. The will is successful only when the true self or indwelling divinity is victorious over desires, emotions or lusts which are contrary to the self. Heru is the Pa-heru (pharaoh) or in other words it means that your moral code is in concord with the divine essence and you are god on earth pa-heru.
7- The 7th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Het-Heru, or the imagination faculty. This faculty operates to create certain behavioral patterns. It must also be programmed because it is in this faculty that we could possibly perceive our happiness as being contrary to the will of the indwelling divinity and therefore get stuck on a low level of the Tree.
8- The 8th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Sebek or the intellect faculty. Most people in Western society can only achieve Sebek. Intellect for the mere sake of intellect does not serve the purpose of the indwelling divinity but of Set. Sebek is an idea or belief based on programming. Sebek is only a correctly applied faculty in commune with Tehuti the omniscient inuitive faculty. sebek is based on beliefs and can open or close the way to truth.
9- The 9th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Auset (Isis), The Goddess. This faculty is necessary to go into trance and reprogram your being. Auset is the vital part of reconstructing Ausar but first she must go through sorrows and give birth to Heru (the will). her determinants are devotion, receptivity and sacrifise. she is the source of trance and passion.
10- The 10th faculty on the Tree of Life is Geb or the Father Earth. This faculty contains the electromagnetic body the khaibit and the molecular body the khab. the life force is governed by proper breath. It also includes the 5 organ systems notably the heart/small intestine, the lungs/large intestine, the liver/gall bladder, the spleen/stomach and the liver/bladder.
(c) Ra Un Nefer Amen
0- Amen- This is not a faculty it is THE undifferentiated peace that is our true self. This is why it is not on the tree of life but far above it. Every religion in the world after their prayer incantates in some form the name of Amen. Who is the God of gods. We must eventually reconnect with Amen by using the Tree of Life to cultivate our spirit, through existence and lifetimes of unrelenting pursuit.
1- The 1st faculty on the Tree of Life represents Ausar, or the omnipresent faculty. This faculty represents the oneness of the universe. The basic particle from which everything is existence originates. It enables us not to separate anything from ourselves and to experience the true self. The one self. Ausar is the first tool that amen uses to govern existence. Represented by Imhotep, Christ, Buddha and other scribes.
2- The 2nd faculty on the Tree of life represents Tehuti, or the omniscient faculty. This faculty is the all-knowing faculty that has a series of 9 axioms. The Tehuti faculty enables us to manifest the indwelling divinity and to be able to resolve any problem. It is knowledge without thought tapping into the intuition or indwelling divinity. Unlike Sebek that is based on belief Tehuti is based on truth It is the second tool that Amen uses to govern existence.
3- The 3rd faculty on the Tree of Life represents Seker, or the omnipotent faculty of the spirit. Seker is above Het-Heru because Seker enables one to be the divine by understanding that beauty lies within and being in synch with our destiny. This omnipotence is the 3rd tool that Amen uses to govern existence.
4- The 4th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Ma’at, or the divine law. This law is represented by 42 principles [of Ma’at]. Ma’at is a female faculty that represents the stage in which we no longer require guilt and conscience because we observe the law of heaven out of love and therefore the Ab(heart) is lighter than the feather and the Khu (spirit) is eternal.
5- The 5th Faculty on the Tree of Life represents HeruKhuti, or divine justice. This faculty establishes justice in the world, not by revenge or destruction, but instead by re-establishing the laws governing existence (MA’AT). Divine justice within our being consists of making peace, balance and harmony get achieved and restoring all to god’s order.
6- The 6th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Heru, or the will. This faculty is birthed by Auset and is beyond any animal desire. The will is successful only when the true self or indwelling divinity is victorious over desires, emotions or lusts which are contrary to the self. Heru is the Pa-heru (pharaoh) or in other words it means that your moral code is in concord with the divine essence and you are god on earth pa-heru.
7- The 7th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Het-Heru, or the imagination faculty. This faculty operates to create certain behavioral patterns. It must also be programmed because it is in this faculty that we could possibly perceive our happiness as being contrary to the will of the indwelling divinity and therefore get stuck on a low level of the Tree.
8- The 8th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Sebek or the intellect faculty. Most people in Western society can only achieve Sebek. Intellect for the mere sake of intellect does not serve the purpose of the indwelling divinity but of Set. Sebek is an idea or belief based on programming. Sebek is only a correctly applied faculty in commune with Tehuti the omniscient inuitive faculty. sebek is based on beliefs and can open or close the way to truth.
9- The 9th faculty on the Tree of Life represents Auset (Isis), The Goddess. This faculty is necessary to go into trance and reprogram your being. Auset is the vital part of reconstructing Ausar but first she must go through sorrows and give birth to Heru (the will). her determinants are devotion, receptivity and sacrifise. she is the source of trance and passion.
10- The 10th faculty on the Tree of Life is Geb or the Father Earth. This faculty contains the electromagnetic body the khaibit and the molecular body the khab. the life force is governed by proper breath. It also includes the 5 organ systems notably the heart/small intestine, the lungs/large intestine, the liver/gall bladder, the spleen/stomach and the liver/bladder.
(c) Ra Un Nefer Amen
Friday, August 14, 2015
It Was Not Easy But It Was Worth It
WHY WE LEFT THE ECONOMIC FREEDOM FIGHTERS
“Sometimes - history needs a push.” Vladimir Ilich Lenin
By joining the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) we saw it as a medium to maximize radical politics and to bring the message of revolution to the people. To this end we hoped to raise radical consciousness so as to make revolution. We saw the EFF as a hopeful coalition of left forces with the potential for unity in action without abandoning the freedom to criticize any force(s) within the movement especially those represented in its leadership.
When EFF leadership subsequently began to corrupt the movements foundational principles, we urged them to stop! We demanded that they account to our people who voted for the EFF! The movements deviation from its foundational principles were clear in the following respects:
1. Constitution
.
At the National People's Assembly (NPA) in December 2014, we witnessed in horror as the EFF constitution was violated. We saw how EFF leaders blatantly went against the provisions of the EFF Constitution so as to elect the leaders that Julius Malema wanted in all leadership positions, so that the EFF can be made to serve their selfish individual interests and that of white capital. We witnessed how Malema's wishes became the wishes of the people. We watched too how the voting choices of Malema served as an instruction to delegates on who they were compelled to vote for! This is how Malema ensured that only his loyalists were elected to the CCT.
2. Political Thought
The political line of the EFF, Marxism-Leninsm-Fanonism, which effectively locates the black liberation project at the core of EFF's liberation efforts has been completely liquidated by the EFF leadership. Leadership has since coming to parliament abandoned the EFF's political line and ideological perspectives. We have seen open attempts to appropriate radical Black Consciousness and Pan Africanism into bourgeois state power and to this end relegate the black liberation project to the periphery. This effectively indicates the containment of the liberation project within the anti black colonial project. Also there was a clear understanding that EFF will use parliament to fight for the people and not to enrich politicians! We understood that EFF will engage in elections and mass action at the same time and to this end EFF will lead a land repossession movement in the country. The point in this form of engagement was that people must not be made to wait for parliament and laws for people to get back, inter alia, their land! Our people have waited for 21 years already! However EFF is not using parliament for the reasons it had initially declared. With the core issue of agitation for EFF MP's being the limited demand that President Zuma must "PayBackTheMoney" spent on upgrades at Nkandla failing which he must step down, participation in parliament is a far cry from what EFF had intended it for. Besides, this demand suggests that the problem is President Zuma and not the ANC and hence feeds into the neo liberal agenda of reproducing the same anti black system under a new president.
3. Purges
We have witnessed how Fighters have been purged from the movement without any charges or proper procedures being followed. All Leaders and Fighters that question procedure in the EFF have been silenced. The movements intellectual capacity has been deliberately stunted by EFF leadership. Intellectuals who challenge leadership's compradoreial tendencies are isolated and purged. It is now a crime to challenge backward ideas in the EFF. EFF is no longer a politically dynamic movement.
4. Land
When we joined the EFF we did so with a clear appreciation and understanding that there shall be, amongst other non negotiable cardinal pillars, land expropriation without compensation and equitable distribution of this resource amongst our people.
When EFF first came to Parliament it condemned the apartheid land thieves. It also offered its 6 percent proportion of the national vote to the ANC to amend the constitution so as to realize "land expropriation without compensation”.
At the December 2014 EFF National Peoples Assembly we witnessed the beginning of EFF leader Julius Malema's deviation from cardinal pillar 1 when he diluted the land demand by calling for the occupation of “unoccupied land" only.
In April 2015 Malema met with the white leaders of the agricultural capitalist class in Stellenbosch and completely sold out the land principle of EFF, being the demand for land expropriation without compensation, and settled for expropriation of “non-productive land” only. He told these white agricultural leaders that as long as "it’s a productive farm, we don’t have to interfere with the production on that piece of land” and that when there is a part of the land“ which is not used for agriculture purposes, we would be having a problem. All we are saying is the land must be used. It must not lie idle.” In so selling out Malema destroyed the urgency of resolving the land question radically. This was not in line with what the EFF founding manifesto requires, that is, that all land shall be expropriated without compensation. It was also contrary to the EFF land policy which suggests that land is based on the anticolonial logic that all land in South Africa is stolen property.
5. Corruption
We have also seen how Cardinal pillar number 7 which speaks of an "open, accountable, corrupt free government and society without fear of victimisation by the state agencies" has been violated by those who consider EFF funds as being their personal funds. To this end when EFF members tried to hold EFF leaders accountable, they were victimized, called names and threatened. We have witnessed EFF leaders using all sorts of threats to instill fear in those who dare to challenge them!
6. Militia Gang
EFF has been turned into a militia gang and now operates as such. The movement has seen fighters being commanded and thugs being hired to deal with members who challenge leadership. There is a compradoreial leadership in place with all the bourgeois mechanisms in tact to keep them in power. They call upon members to use violence against those who dare to question them.
7. ANC Culture
The period starting from the NPA of December 2014 is marked by the rise of ANC aligned leadership within the EFF. In this period we witnessed and in fact experienced the full reactionary burden of the ANC culture, sponsored by the Malema leadership, that was taking root in the movement. This culture was evident in the way, for example, that: "ghost" branches were established throughout the movement; delegates were chosen to attend the NPA; candidates were chosen and published on preferred slates, and; draft positions on the important questions of "expropriation of land" and "nationalization of mines" were stripped of race theory for obvious settlement within the neo liberal agenda of the ANC. This culture of practice inspired by EFF leadership is not ideologically innocent and must be viewed in the context of leadership openly embracing the ideals of the Freedom Charter (FC). Also it is a means used by leadership to derail the movement permanently from the revolutionary path!
8. Freedom Charter
While the ANC has declared 2015 the year of the FC, EFF leadership has at the same time indicated its support of the document and has since the last EFF NPA given more weight to it than its own Founding Manifesto. In fact EFF held a huge celebration on 27 June 2015 to mark 60 years of the FC. To this end EFF's support of the FC has come to mean one thing only: supporting the ANC's neo liberal agenda! The FC is an anti black documented program of action that ultimately serves to maintain white monopoly capital via the agency of black comprador elements who serve as front office managers of that system! Land was stolen from blacks and the FC fails to make this point and consequently fails to frame the fundamental question as that of white racism which in turn needs black solidarity to create the revolutionary encounter capable of producing an anti racist socialist society. Without this revolutionary encounter we cannot arrive at an anti racist socialist society even if we all "work" the country.
9. Move On
The crisis in the EFF is very grave. Politically, the organization is dead! We now know that the EFF cannot realistically challenge the ANC's neo-colonialism and that there is every indication that it is the continuation of the ANC. Due to the above factors coupled with the fact that there is no platform within the EFF to engage in any meaningful ideological struggle against the backward and sell out tendencies of leadership we were constrained to conclude that if the movement cannot be used to realize the black liberation project, via the resolution of the land question and putting blacks first, then it is of no use to our people's cause.
“Sometimes - history needs a push.” Vladimir Ilich Lenin
By joining the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) we saw it as a medium to maximize radical politics and to bring the message of revolution to the people. To this end we hoped to raise radical consciousness so as to make revolution. We saw the EFF as a hopeful coalition of left forces with the potential for unity in action without abandoning the freedom to criticize any force(s) within the movement especially those represented in its leadership.
When EFF leadership subsequently began to corrupt the movements foundational principles, we urged them to stop! We demanded that they account to our people who voted for the EFF! The movements deviation from its foundational principles were clear in the following respects:
1. Constitution
.
At the National People's Assembly (NPA) in December 2014, we witnessed in horror as the EFF constitution was violated. We saw how EFF leaders blatantly went against the provisions of the EFF Constitution so as to elect the leaders that Julius Malema wanted in all leadership positions, so that the EFF can be made to serve their selfish individual interests and that of white capital. We witnessed how Malema's wishes became the wishes of the people. We watched too how the voting choices of Malema served as an instruction to delegates on who they were compelled to vote for! This is how Malema ensured that only his loyalists were elected to the CCT.
2. Political Thought
The political line of the EFF, Marxism-Leninsm-Fanonism, which effectively locates the black liberation project at the core of EFF's liberation efforts has been completely liquidated by the EFF leadership. Leadership has since coming to parliament abandoned the EFF's political line and ideological perspectives. We have seen open attempts to appropriate radical Black Consciousness and Pan Africanism into bourgeois state power and to this end relegate the black liberation project to the periphery. This effectively indicates the containment of the liberation project within the anti black colonial project. Also there was a clear understanding that EFF will use parliament to fight for the people and not to enrich politicians! We understood that EFF will engage in elections and mass action at the same time and to this end EFF will lead a land repossession movement in the country. The point in this form of engagement was that people must not be made to wait for parliament and laws for people to get back, inter alia, their land! Our people have waited for 21 years already! However EFF is not using parliament for the reasons it had initially declared. With the core issue of agitation for EFF MP's being the limited demand that President Zuma must "PayBackTheMoney" spent on upgrades at Nkandla failing which he must step down, participation in parliament is a far cry from what EFF had intended it for. Besides, this demand suggests that the problem is President Zuma and not the ANC and hence feeds into the neo liberal agenda of reproducing the same anti black system under a new president.
3. Purges
We have witnessed how Fighters have been purged from the movement without any charges or proper procedures being followed. All Leaders and Fighters that question procedure in the EFF have been silenced. The movements intellectual capacity has been deliberately stunted by EFF leadership. Intellectuals who challenge leadership's compradoreial tendencies are isolated and purged. It is now a crime to challenge backward ideas in the EFF. EFF is no longer a politically dynamic movement.
4. Land
When we joined the EFF we did so with a clear appreciation and understanding that there shall be, amongst other non negotiable cardinal pillars, land expropriation without compensation and equitable distribution of this resource amongst our people.
When EFF first came to Parliament it condemned the apartheid land thieves. It also offered its 6 percent proportion of the national vote to the ANC to amend the constitution so as to realize "land expropriation without compensation”.
At the December 2014 EFF National Peoples Assembly we witnessed the beginning of EFF leader Julius Malema's deviation from cardinal pillar 1 when he diluted the land demand by calling for the occupation of “unoccupied land" only.
In April 2015 Malema met with the white leaders of the agricultural capitalist class in Stellenbosch and completely sold out the land principle of EFF, being the demand for land expropriation without compensation, and settled for expropriation of “non-productive land” only. He told these white agricultural leaders that as long as "it’s a productive farm, we don’t have to interfere with the production on that piece of land” and that when there is a part of the land“ which is not used for agriculture purposes, we would be having a problem. All we are saying is the land must be used. It must not lie idle.” In so selling out Malema destroyed the urgency of resolving the land question radically. This was not in line with what the EFF founding manifesto requires, that is, that all land shall be expropriated without compensation. It was also contrary to the EFF land policy which suggests that land is based on the anticolonial logic that all land in South Africa is stolen property.
5. Corruption
We have also seen how Cardinal pillar number 7 which speaks of an "open, accountable, corrupt free government and society without fear of victimisation by the state agencies" has been violated by those who consider EFF funds as being their personal funds. To this end when EFF members tried to hold EFF leaders accountable, they were victimized, called names and threatened. We have witnessed EFF leaders using all sorts of threats to instill fear in those who dare to challenge them!
6. Militia Gang
EFF has been turned into a militia gang and now operates as such. The movement has seen fighters being commanded and thugs being hired to deal with members who challenge leadership. There is a compradoreial leadership in place with all the bourgeois mechanisms in tact to keep them in power. They call upon members to use violence against those who dare to question them.
7. ANC Culture
The period starting from the NPA of December 2014 is marked by the rise of ANC aligned leadership within the EFF. In this period we witnessed and in fact experienced the full reactionary burden of the ANC culture, sponsored by the Malema leadership, that was taking root in the movement. This culture was evident in the way, for example, that: "ghost" branches were established throughout the movement; delegates were chosen to attend the NPA; candidates were chosen and published on preferred slates, and; draft positions on the important questions of "expropriation of land" and "nationalization of mines" were stripped of race theory for obvious settlement within the neo liberal agenda of the ANC. This culture of practice inspired by EFF leadership is not ideologically innocent and must be viewed in the context of leadership openly embracing the ideals of the Freedom Charter (FC). Also it is a means used by leadership to derail the movement permanently from the revolutionary path!
8. Freedom Charter
While the ANC has declared 2015 the year of the FC, EFF leadership has at the same time indicated its support of the document and has since the last EFF NPA given more weight to it than its own Founding Manifesto. In fact EFF held a huge celebration on 27 June 2015 to mark 60 years of the FC. To this end EFF's support of the FC has come to mean one thing only: supporting the ANC's neo liberal agenda! The FC is an anti black documented program of action that ultimately serves to maintain white monopoly capital via the agency of black comprador elements who serve as front office managers of that system! Land was stolen from blacks and the FC fails to make this point and consequently fails to frame the fundamental question as that of white racism which in turn needs black solidarity to create the revolutionary encounter capable of producing an anti racist socialist society. Without this revolutionary encounter we cannot arrive at an anti racist socialist society even if we all "work" the country.
9. Move On
The crisis in the EFF is very grave. Politically, the organization is dead! We now know that the EFF cannot realistically challenge the ANC's neo-colonialism and that there is every indication that it is the continuation of the ANC. Due to the above factors coupled with the fact that there is no platform within the EFF to engage in any meaningful ideological struggle against the backward and sell out tendencies of leadership we were constrained to conclude that if the movement cannot be used to realize the black liberation project, via the resolution of the land question and putting blacks first, then it is of no use to our people's cause.
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